A new weekly series about Egypt 

The author of this series "Egyptian Frescoes" André Dirlik was born in Egypt and spent the first twenty years of his life in Cairo, then moved to Beirut where he studied at the American University. He later completed his studies at Mc Gill University, in Montreal. 

André's long career as professor exclusively at the "Collège Militaire Royal de Saint-Jean" was only interrupted when that institution closed it's doors in 1995. 

Egyptian Frescoes part (2 of 19) issued with the permission of the author. 

Egyptian Frescoes (2): Tall al-Kabir, 1882

  

Napoleon in the battle of the Pyramids

The Muhammad ‘Ali Dynasty originated from the Port City of Kavalla, in Thrace. The Pasha was initially from Albania: he and his kind were known as Arna’ut. The Pasha and his associates in the Albanian Contingent of the Ottoman Army had been transported by British ships to expel the French Expeditionary Force then commanded by Bonaparte’s deputy, General Kléber. They ousted both the French and the Mamlukes, a slave caste of warriors, Circassians from the Caucasus, or Turks and Kurds. The Founder of Modern Egypt then created his own fighting force with officers that were Albanian and Turk and the soldiery that came from the Egyptian peasantry, the Fallahin. Advisors to the new Egyptian Army were French who had served at some point in Napoleon’s army.

Khedive Isma’il

When Isma’il, Muhammad ‘Ali’s grandson, succeeded Sa’id to the throne of Egypt, the new Khedive reformed the army further: starting in 1863, he encouraged native Egyptians to enter the officer corps. One such youth, Ahmed ‘Urabi, rose in rank. Like many sons of notables, ‘Urabi had been schooled at the great al-Azhar Mosque. When he enrolled in the military, he was rapidly promoted to the rank of Pasha, General that is, and given a Junior post in the Cabinet. The Khedive waged war against Ethiopia and tightened his grip on the Sudan where the Nile waters originated. ‘Urabi Pasha served his Khedive in combat. He was in Cairo when the Khedive was deposed by the Sultan in Istambul.

The main reason for this deposition was that the debt Isma’il contracted had reached 100 million pounds as opposed to the initial three he inherited when he occupied the throne. In 1875, auditors were appointed by France and Britain to advise on the course to be followed. The following year, the Khedive had to cede his entire lands to Egyptians and to Foreigners, to sell his shares in the Suez Canal to Britain’s D’Israeli, to accept constitutional limitations to his power, and to appoint Nubar Pasha, a Christian Armenian, as his Prime Minister. An Englishman became Minister of Finance and a Frenchmen held the Public Works portfolio. Egypt was, slowly but surely, being taken over by the Infidels.

It was estimated then that more than 10.000 Christians and Jews, from Southern Europe, Salonika and Izmir, and from North Africa had settled in Egypt in 1840. Their presence became conspicuous. They enjoyed special privileges. They could not be judged in Egyptian courts and what came to be known as Mixed Courts offended the Egyptians deeply. When Khedive Isma’il was finally deposed and sent to exile, riots erupted in Alexandria, the most Europeanized city in the country. 

Orabi Pasha

‘Urabi Pasha who had taken command of the government demanded that the influence of Foreigners be curtailed. Isma’il’s son, Tawfiq, who had succeeded him escaped the rioting to the Mediterranean coast to seek British naval protection. A British contingent had, meanwhile, been landed that would meet the Egyptians under the command of ‘Urabi Pasha. They fought at Tall al-Kabir and ‘Urabi was easily defeated by General Wolseley. British firepower and tactics had won the day. The Egyptian rebel to the crown was sentenced to death but exiled instead to Ceylon. His home in Kandy, in the hills outside Colombo, is today the Orabi Pasha Museum and Cultural Centre. Next to it is the Zahira College which he founded for Singalese Muslims.

‘Abbas II had succeeded his brother Tawfiq as Khedive of Egypt in 1901. ‘Abbas was one who hated the British. ‘Urabi was brought back to Egypt that very year to a hero’s welcome. He had been the first indigenous Egyptian to achieve political and military prominence since the Ptoleme Pharoe took over from Native Egyptian Pharoes in 323BC. His pardon favoured the Khedive in the eyes of the Egyptians at the very time when the British chose to make their presence permanent in Egypt. Lord Cromer, once secretary to the Viceroy of India, was assigned to, in effect, rule Egypt. Britain had not forgotten Napoleon Bonaparte’s Campaign in the Nile Valley whose aim it had been to threaten the Road to British India. 

Suez canal innauguration

The opening of the Suez Canal, 164 kilometres long, which was inaugurated in 1869, made British presence along the waterway the more so pressing. The British had occupied Gibraltar, Malta and Cyprus in the Mediterranean. South of Suez, they would land troops in Aden and the Horn of Africa. The Road to India was thus being secured for King and Country for generations to come.

The brilliant administration of Egypt by Lord Cromer which lasted from 1883 till 1907 paved, meanwhile, the way for a British Protectorate over Egypt in 1912. This protectorate would last till Fu’ad, yet another son of Khedive Isma’il, would sign an Anglo-Egyptian Treaty that made him King in 1922 and guaranteed British presence in the country. During the time all this was taking place, Egyptian Society kept changing. Egypt, today, owes much to Lord Cromer’s administration. Not unlike in India, the British Pro-Consul of Egypt revamped the country’s bureaucracy to suite Britain’s objectives and govern Egypt effectively in order to increase its productive capacities and pay back its debts. 

Lord Cromer

The Cromer reforms built an elaborate civil service to implement what has come to be known as Indirect Rule. Schooling was expanded as never before to staff his government. On this particular matter, Cromer had essentially spotted a brilliant mind in one Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abduh. In Egypt, today, Cromer has been forgotten. Not so Muhammad ‘Abduh.

Muhammad ‘Abduh (1849-1905), not unlike Ahmad ‘Urabi and the thousands that enrolled in the bureaucracy, be it civilian or military, was rooted in Egypt’s soil. He rose in society through education and ended at the al-Azhar Mosque where he graduated as a ‘Alim. ‘Abduh had been appointed to teach at Dar al-‘Ulum, the teacher’s training school in Cairo, in 1878. He also taught at Madrasat al-Alsun, the Khedivial Language School which Muhammad ‘Ali founded and which Shaykh Rifa’a al-Tahtawi (1801-1873) ran.

‘Abduh had been an admirer of al-Tahtawi, the Azhari whom Muhammad ‘Ali entrusted with the task of accompanying two dozen youths to Paris in 1826. 

El Tahtawi

Al-Tahtawi spent six years in that city, learnt French, frequented Salons and Libraries and, upon his return, the Pasha appointed him Head of the Languages School where he also translated texts on military matters, geography and European History. All al-Tahtawi’s books were widely read. In Rihla, his Journey to Paris, he states that the Principles of Islam are compatible with European Modernity. He added that one way to protect one’s country was to accept the changes that come with modern societies. Such ideas were, certainly revolutionary at the time and a few gave credence to them.

Meanwhile, in 1882, ‘Abduh who had supported the ‘Urabi Revolt was exiled for six years. Much will be said about ‘Abduh’s exile. Suffice it to say that later, in 1899, Cromer saw to it that ‘Abduh be offered the position of Mufti of Egypt. The Pro-Consul sought an enlightened Azhari to issue the Fatwas that could pave the way to Cromer’s reforms. After all, had not Muhammad ‘Abduh been quoted as stating that: ‘’I went to the West and saw Islam, but no Muslims; I got back to the East and saw Muslims but no Islam’’. Al-Tahtawi could not have written these words for he belonged to that period of Egyptian history where self assurance was paramount amongst its intellectuals. They could borrow freely from the West and not the least feel threatened by all that they borrowed. ‘Abduh, on the other hand, was the child of the ‘Urabi defeat and the subject of British occupation. He belonged to an age of resistance to all that the West stood for and offered. Apologetics for the shortcomings of Egypt and Islam were growing among its intellectuals. 

Not so with Muhammad ‘Abduh who, along with Jamal ed-Din Afghani (1838-1897) and Mustafa Kamil (1874-1908), was able to distinguish between the Genius of Western Civilization and Brutal Imperialism and between the Fundamentals of Islam and Corrupt Muslims. So let us now move on with our story and speak of the Neo-Mu’tazilah and of Nationalism among the Muslims of Egypt in the nineteenth century.

A new weekly series about Egypt 

The author of this series "Egyptian Frescoes" André Dirlik was born in Egypt and spend the first twenty years of his life in Cairo, then moved to Beirut where he studied at the American University. He later completed his studies at Mc Gill University, in Montreal. 

André's long career as professor exclusively at the "Collège Militaire Royal de Saint-Jean" was only interrupted when that institution closed it's doors in 1995. 

Egyptian Frescoes part (1 of 19) issued with the permission of the author. 

Egyptian Frescoes (1): Tu Quoque Cicero...

Early in November 2011, I met for diner with long time friends, Alieddin Hilal and Yahiya el-Gamal, at the Automobile Club, on Kasr el-Nil Street, in Cairo. Egypt’s Arab Spring was barely nine months old. After the forced resignation of President Husni Mubarak, ‘Ali, a class mate of mine from his Canada days, resigned his post as Secretary for Media Affairs in the ruling National Democratic Party. ‘Ali had previously been appointed Minister of Youth and Sports. He held a PhD from Mc Gill University in Montreal in Political Science. Upon his graduation, he returned to Egypt where he taught at Cairo University. He later founded the Centre for International Affairs before he went into politics.

Facade of the Automobile club in Cairo

Yahiya just resigned his short-lived post as Vice-President when Marshal Tantawi appointed yet a new government to replace Mubarak’s own. A constitutional jurist of repute, he would now assist candidate Muhammad al-Baradei in his bid for the presidency at the head of his National Coalition for Change. Yahia had served as Minister of Administrative Affairs in the Cabinet of Gamal ‘abd al-Nasir. He was a seasoned politician. ‘Ali, although much younger, was experienced as well. The question raised at the dinner table was whether or not the Muslim Brotherhood did pose a serious challenge for the political future of Egypt. That evening, everyone seemed to agree that this fringe party would attract 20% of the vote, at most.

As one prepares to move onto a new year, results of the post Mubarak elections are coming in. It is now agreed that the MB will reap a majority of seats in parliament and form a government. Also, the newly elected house will be called upon to draft a constitution that should, most probably, set the course for a new ideological direction for Egyptians to follow. Time will tell whether Egypt’s new constitution will radically depart from the traditions which resulted from the reforms brought about, in 1820, by Muhammad ‘Ali Basha (1769-1849) when innovations in education and government institutions, which were inspired essentially from France, initiated the transformation of that country’s economy and society. We owe it to Henry Dodwell to still refer to Muhammad ‘Ali as the Founder of Modern Egypt.

The process which began in order to provide the Pasha with a modern powerful army permeated the entire country. In terms of constitutional precedent some, today, will argue that a MB government will thwart this process once and for all. Those who fear for past values and principles remind us of Cicero (106BC-43BC) who, in his Letters to Atticus deplored the end of the Republic, the death of Natural Law and Liberty and the disappearance of the Innate Rights for the People. I, for one, believe that the seeds of Modernity are deeply engrained in Egyptian soil. The negative opinion some Egyptians carry for the MB which is related to their past impressions of what once used to be a secret organisation that carried assassinations against its political enemies, will fade away. As to the notion that the past was better than the present and the future, it shall prove questionable as this notion remains class related: to the Egyptians who enjoyed past privileges, the Egypt they were raised in was certainly one of harmony for them. The 1952 Military Coup which toppled the Ancient Regime put an end to such privileges and harmony. The following essays will delve into that very subject and assist me in putting order in the thoughts I nurture on the subject.

Muhammed Ali

It shall be reminded that Egyptian Society had been changing ever since the Convention of London of 1840 recognized to Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha and his descendants their hereditary right to rule over Egypt. The Pasha’s heirs became known as Khedives (from the Turkish Hidiv, viceroy) from 1867 till 1914. An Egyptian Monarchy was then established, again which belonged to Muhammad ‘Ali’s dynasty. In his time, in 1843 at the Treaty of Balta Liman, the Pasha’s dream to erect a strong and independent state along the Nile faded away when the British who had supported the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II against his rebellious vassal from Egypt, tore down all import barriers which the state had built to protect and promote its infant economy. The imposition of liberal trade practices by the British forced Egypt to abandon much of its agricultural and industrial development. Barely one year after the signature of this treaty, the Egyptian debt reached 80 million francs, a considerable amount for the time.

And yet, the memory I harbour from my parents and grandparents is that Egypt had reached a sophisticated degree of Westernization. Both my grandparents immigrated to Egypt, one from the Caucasus Mountains, between the Black and the Caspian Seas and the other from Beirut. They sought opportunities to acquire wealth and reaped it due to the political, social and economic mood which the Khediviate, and latter, the Monarchy provided. A grandchild of Muhammad ‘Ali, the Khedive Isma’il, had committed himself to make Egypt part of Europe. He embarked upon grand construction projects. Building modern Cairo with the help of French and Italian architects, erecting an opera house, investing into the sugar cane industry, extending the railroad and the telegraph to the south of the country and, last but not least, becoming the major shareholder of the Société du Canal de Suez makes him the important builder he is today remembered for. Isma’il was benefiting from the actions of his grandfather, Muhammad ‘Ali, who confiscated the lands of the Mamlukes, a military caste which he toppled when he assumed power after 1811: the ruling family of Egypt became the major land owner in the country. 

The Citadel

The native political allies of the House of Muhammad ‘Ali also received land. And so it was that a landed class was created that would exploit the peasantry, the Fellahin, for its own benefits. This landed aristocracy partook in a form of development in Egypt, submitted to the benefits of Westernization, grew cotton, the cash crop which would make Egypt rich during the American Civil War, and educated its children often in French and English schools.

One will have to wait until the 1952 Military Coup to witness the end of Monarchy in Egypt. The banner of the House of Muhammad ‘Ali, the Crescent and the Three Stars on a green background, will be replaced by Egypt’s Free Officers’ who will fly the Red-White-and-Black emblem of Revolution. The first major legislation to be introduced by the young officers under the presidency of Muhammad Naguib and the leadership of Gamal ‘abd al-Nasir, in the late summer of 1952, will be the Land Reform Law. All important landowners will see their properties expropriated. Their lands will be distributed to the peasantry. A new era will, as a result, have begun in Egypt whose implications are felt till this very day. One is instantly, once again, reminded of Cicero, witness to the crossing by Julius Caesar and his Legionnaires from Gaul of the Rubicon and to the rise of the dictatorship of the Imperium: the Egyptian Monarchy had contributed to institutions and to values which our grandfathers and fathers valued, enjoyed and benefited from. To them, a state of stability and social harmony had been achieved which made Egypt distinguish itself from all its other Arab neighbours. People flocked to Cairo to partake in its wonders. 

Colonel Nasser & General Naguib 1952

After 1952, however, the beneficiaries of Westernization witnessed the collapse of the world they had grown accustomed to. Ever since l952, our fathers and ourselves have tended to deplore what we see as a regression in values, a setback to progress, a sure invitation to backward changes in the Egyptian political scenery; the recent most election results show that the trend has not been abated. The result of the latest count at the polls may, indeed, confirm that bygone are the good old days when the West could influence the East and where Muslim and Christian, Egyptian and Levantine could live and prosper together.

Here is, however, not the end of the story but the beginning of a new page to be written for that unending tale of new settings to replace the old. For instance, the MB had its roots in Egypt’s not too distant past. The British had landed in Alexandria and defeated the feeble Egyptian Army. Egypt would be occupied and the Nationalist Movement would be born. Islam would also become Egypt’s shield against the Christian occupier. In history, everything relates to the past and while history cannot predict the future, it certainly explains the present. 

Fresco One has ended. Please bear with me for the next one.